BJPsychBulletin
latest
  • 2022
  • 2021
  • 2020
  • 2019
  • 2018
    • 41. RECONSIDERING THE EVIDENCE FOR CLOZAPINE FOR TREATMENT REFRACTORY SCHIZOPHRENIA
    • 41.1 WHAT DO META-ANALYSES TELL US ABOUT CLOZAPINE’S EFFICACY AND EFFECTIVENESS FOR TREATMENT REFRACTORY SCHIZOPHRENIA?
    • 40.4 LOW-DOSE RISPERIDONE TREATMENT IN ADOLESCENCE PREVENTS THE DEVELOPMENT OF NEUROINFLAMMATION IN THE MATERNAL IMMUNE ACTIVATION MODEL
    • Abstracts for the Sixth Biennial SIRS Conference
    • Implementing National Institute for Health and Care Excellence smoke-free guidance in a secure facility: an evaluation of the prescribing costs in clozapine users
    • Choice of provider for out-patient treatment is not working
    • The alignment of law, practice and need in suicide prevention
    • Known but unpredictable – an argument for complexity
    • Against the Stream: Generalised anxiety disorder (GAD) – a redundant diagnosis
    • A review and update of the Health of the Nation Outcome Scales (HoNOS)
    • The prevalence of constant supportive observations in high, medium and low secure services
    • Profile: André Tomlin
    • Debate: The concept of culture has outlived its usefulness for psychiatry
    • Management of common mental disorders for psychogeriatric patients in Hong Kong: comparison of two clinics after 1 year of treatment
    • Benjamin (Ben) Steinberg, MD FRCPsych
    • ‘To know before hand is to freeze and kill’ Commentary on… Should psychiatrists write fiction?
    • Should psychiatrists write fiction?
    • Weekday and seasonal patterns in psychiatric referrals in three major London A&E departments, 2012–2014
    • External validity and anchoring heuristics: application of DUNDRUM-1 to secure service gatekeeping in South Wales
    • Against the stream: Antidepressants are not antidepressants – an alternative approach to drug action and implications for the use of antidepressants
    • Sharing quality and safety improvement work in the field of mental health
    • A lost cause
    • Completed audit cycle to explore the use of the STOPP/START toolkit to optimise medication in psychiatric in-patients with dementia
    • Neurologists’ detection and recognition of mental disorder in a tertiary in-patient neurological unit
    • Vitamin D in patients with intellectual and developmental disability in secure in-patient services in the North of England, UK
    • Joan Bicknell
    • Psychiatry, not mental health
    • Antidepressants in paediatric depression: do not look back in anger but around in awareness
    • Liaison psychiatry for older adults in the general hospital: service activity, development and outcomes
    • Unlocking an acute psychiatric ward: open doors, absent patients?
    • Against the Stream: religion and mental health – the case for the inclusion of religion and spirituality into psychiatric care
    • Prevalence of vitamin D deficiency in adult patients admitted to a psychiatric hospital
    • Mentalising skills in generic mental healthcare settings: can we make our day-to-day interactions more therapeutic?
    • What’s the point of the BJPsych Bulletin?
    • General practitioner referral of older patients to Improving Access to Psychological Therapies (IAPT): an exploratory qualitative study
    • Community treatment orders in England: review of usage from national data
    • Ideology over evidence?
    • Pathways to Recovery: development and evaluation of a cognitive–behavioural therapy in-patient treatment programme for adults with anorexia nervosa
    • Rational antidepressant use
    • Author’s reply
    • The development of an outcome measure for liaison mental health services
    • Community treatment orders in England: review of usage from national data
    • Dear BJPsych Bulletin…
    • An evaluation of sleep disturbance on in-patient psychiatric units in the UK
    • Alan Haworth, OBE (UK), GDCS (Zambia), FRCPsych.
    • Robert Spitzer’s legacy: agreement is halfway to truth
    • Maintenance doses for clozapine: past and present
    • Michael Graham Gelder MA, DM Oxon, FRCP, FRCPsych (Hon), FMedSci, DPM
    • Individuals seeking gender reassignment: marked increase in demand for services
    • What leads to innovation in mental healthcare? Reflections on clinical expertise in a bureaucratic age
    • Mental health problems, benefits and tackling discrimination
    • The transition from child and adolescent to adult mental health services with a focus on diagnosis progression
    • Evaluating the effects of a peer-led suturing and wound management workshop for doctors working in a psychiatric hospital
    • Rethinking engagement
    • Adult safeguarding under the Care Act 2014
    • The effect of a youth mental health service model on access to secondary mental healthcare for young people aged 14–25 years
    • Liaison psychiatry services in Wales
    • Night-time confinement is an unacceptable hospital practice
    • The assertive approach to clozapine: nasogastric administration
    • Barriers to using clozapine in treatment-resistant schizophrenia: systematic review
    • Christopher (Chris) Freeman FRCPsych FRCP (Ed)
    • Mental health crisis resolution teams and crisis care systems in England: a national survey
    • The over-35s: early intervention in psychosis services entering uncharted territory
    • Emanuel (Gus) Moran FRCP FRCPsych, DPM
    • Profile: David O’Flynn
    • Peter Sykes MB, ChB, FRCPsych, DPM
    • The clinical utility of the IRAC component of the Framework for Routine Outcome Measurement in Liaison Psychiatry (FROM-LP)
    • Doctors, suicide and mental illness
    • Against the Stream: lowering the age of sexual consent
      • The present legal situation
      • The arguments against
      • The arguments in favour
    • Ethnic variation in personality disorder: evaluation of 6 years of hospital admissions
    • Revisiting neuropsychiatry as a psychiatric discipline
    • Accurate recording of personality disorder in clinical practice
    • Size and clustering of ethnic groups and rates of psychiatric admission in England
    • Donald Eccleston, FRCPsych, PhD, DSc
    • The outcomes of home treatment for schizophrenia
    • Author reply
    • Patients with depression who self-refer for transcranial magnetic stimulation treatment: exploratory qualitative study
    • Getting a balance between generalisation and specialisation in mental health services: a defence of general services
    • Conversion therapy and the LGBT community: the role of the College now?
    • Review and update of the Health of the Nation Outcome Scales for Elderly People (HoNOS65+)
    • Awareness and documentation of the teratogenic effects of valproate among women of child-bearing potential
    • The forgotten foundations: in core mental health services, no one can hear you scream
    • Author reply
    • Against the Stream: lowering the age of sexual consent
    • Street triage services in England: service models, national provision and the opinions of police
    • Even more against the stream
    • Men in eating disorder units: a service evaluation survey regarding mixed gender accommodation rules in an eating disorder setting
    • Dhirendra Nath Nandi, FRCP (Edin.) FRCPsych
    • The Risk Reference Panel: a thematic analysis of a multidisciplinary forum for complex cases
    • Follow-up study of 6.5 years of admissions to a UK female medium secure forensic psychiatry unit
    • Against the stream: drugs policy needs to be turned on its head
    • Making up symptoms: psychic indeterminacy and the construction of psychotic phenomena
    • Depression, memory and electroconvulsive therapy
    • A new inner-city specialist programme reduces readmission rates in frequently admitted patients with bipolar disorder
    • Decision-making in crisis resolution and home treatment teams: The AWARE framework
    • The banality of counterterrorism “after, after 9/11”? Perspectives on the Prevent duty from the UK health care sector
    • A retrospective study comparing the length of admission of medium secure unit patients admitted in the three decades since 1985
    • ‘Prescribing’ psychotropic medication to our rivers and estuaries
    • Reforming care without bureaucracy
  • 2017
  • 2016
  • 2015
BJPsychBulletin
  • »
  • 2018 »
  • Against the Stream: lowering the age of sexual consent
  • Edit on GitHub

Against the Stream: lowering the age of sexual consent

Philip Graham

Correspondence

Philip Graham (pjgraham1@aol.com)

date

2018-8

Abstract

Lowering the legal age of sexual consent would decriminalise a large number of ‘underage’ young people engaging in sexual intercourse. The arguments against such a change in the law are summarised and shown to lack validity.

Declaration of interest

None.

Contents

  • Against the Stream: lowering the age of sexual consent

    • The present legal situation

    • The arguments against

    • The arguments in favour

The proposal that the age of consent should be lowered is not just ‘against the stream’. It is regarded by many as a preposterous idea. When, in 2013, the then President of the Faculty of Public Health, Professor John Ashton, made the proposal that the age of consent should be reduced from 16 years to 15 or even 14 years, it was immediately rejected by both government and opposition spokesmen.1 Indeed, David Cameron, when Prime Minister referred to the proposal as ‘offensive’.

The present legal situation

It is the case that there are many cogent arguments against such a move. It will be claimed here that none of these is valid. Further, it will be proposed not only that there would be specific advantages to changing the law in this way, but that the principles on which this proposal is based have implications for other ways in which the rights of young people are inappropriately curtailed.

The existing laws in all the jurisdictions of the UK state2 that the age of consent for any form of sexual activity is 16 years for both men and women. The age of consent is the same regardless of the gender or sexual orientation of a person and whether the sexual activity is between people of the same or different gender.

It is an offence for anyone to have any sexual activity with a person under the age of 16. However, Home Office guidance is clear that there is no intention to prosecute teenagers under the age of 16 where both mutually agree and where they are of a similar age.3 Further, it is an offence for a person aged 18 or over to have any sexual activity with a person under the age of 18 if the older person holds a position of trust (for example, a teacher or social worker) as such sexual activity is an abuse of the position of trust.

There is wide variation between countries in the age of sexual consent. In Europe, all countries have minimum age limits for sexual relations. Nowhere is this age set lower than 14 years.4 In Europe, consensual relations with 14-year-olds are legal in half of the jurisdictions, and with 15-year-olds in three-quarters.5 This places the UK among the quarter with the most restrictive legislation. There is no evidence that the legal minimum age of sexual consent in a country is in any way correlated with the sexual behaviour of young people.

Various principles have been adduced which should govern the legal position of minors.6 Although it is often implied that children should not be regarded as such, Waites6 (p. 218) suggests that children are indeed citizens who, like adult citizens, have a right to protection as well as a right to freedom of activity. He argues that sexual behaviour below the age of 14 should be criminal, and that there is a role for legal prohibitions for the collective good which goes beyond preventing harm in individual cases (pp. 220–241).

The arguments against

The following arguments have been used against the proposal to lower the age of sexual consent. These are followed by counter-arguments. (a)A change in the law would result in more younger children becoming inappropriately engaged in sexual activity. There is a lack of evidence this is the case and, indeed, much evidence suggesting that the existing law has no effect on the sexual behaviour of young people. Information collected between 2010 and 2012 suggests that 31% of British males and 29% of British females had full sexual intercourse before the age of 16 years. Fifty years previously, this had been the case for 15% of males and 4% of females.7 There had been no change in the law in relation to heterosexual intercourse in the interim. A study of the reasons for sexual abstinence in American school students revealed that the law was not cited as a reason for abstaining from sexual activity.8(b)The existing law gives young people, especially girls, who do not want to engage in sexual activity a powerful reason for refusing to consent. Although this reason is often cited, there is not even anecdotal evidence to suggest it is valid. It is indeed difficult to imagine a girl saying to her boyfriend that she does not wish to have sex with him because it is against the law. She might not wish to have sex with him, but she wouldn’t want him to laugh at her either.(c)Focus group discussions with 11–16 year-olds reveal that they are generally opposed to a change in the law on this matter.9 This is indeed the case, but, as indicated above, there is a marked disparity between the behaviour of young people and their views on the existing law.(d)Young people aged 14 years are not physically mature enough to engage in full sexual activity. The median age of menarche in English and Welsh girls born between 1982 and 1986 was 12 years and 11 months.10 Thus, the great majority of girls of 14 years are indeed sufficiently physically mature to engage in full sexual activity.(e)Young people aged 14 years are not cognitively mature enough to evaluate the risks of engaging in sexual activity. There is ample evidence that 14-year-olds are as capable of analysing the risks and benefits of different interventions in complex medical situations as are 21-year-olds.11(f)Young people aged 14 years are not emotionally mature enough to engage in full sexual activity. Steinberg12 – while accepting that mid-teenagers have sufficient cognitive maturity – suggests there is evidence that this is not the case when they are emotionally aroused or exposed to peer pressure. In particular, he cites his own work13 pointing to age differences in sensation-seeking and impulsivity. These studies of young people aged from 10 to 11 years up to 30 years show reduction of impulsivity with increasing age under experimental conditions. The problem with his argument is that the greatest reduction in impulsivity occurs between adults aged 22–25 and those aged 26–30 years. Is it really suggested that sexual consent should be invalid up to the age of 26 years?(g)Neuroscientific evidence suggests that the adolescent brain undergoes significant changes throughout the teens and beyond. For example, Casey et al14 report that ‘recent human imaging and animal studies provide a biological basis […] suggesting differential development of subcortical limbic systems relative to top-down control systems during adolescence relative to childhood and adulthood’. This is taken to mean that those in their teens are not physiologically competent to make important decisions relating to risk-taking. It is surely unwise to rely on such indirect evidence when much more directly relevant studies suggest that it is the inexperience of the young rather than biological limitations that lead to their greater vulnerability in risky situations. For example, McCartt et al,15 studying traffic accidents among young people, found that ‘of the studies that attempted to quantify the relative importance of age and experience factors, most found a more powerful effect from length of licensure’.

The arguments in favour

Having effectively countered the arguments against lowering the age of sexual consent, it only remains for me to point briefly to the obvious advantages of such a change in the law. (a)Lowering the age of sexual consent would result in the decriminalisation of just under one-third of the adolescent population. Most such law-breakers are not currently prosecuted, but it cannot be right that their freely given sexual consent is deemed illegal.(b)The numbers of young people whose sexual activity results in sexually transmitted infections is substantial.16 The number of pregnancies in 15–17-year-olds, although it is reducing, remains substantial.17 Further, the sexual experience of many young people, particularly girls, is distressing, and a substantial number of girls regret their first full sexual experience.18 Lowering the age of sexual consent would make it distinctly easier for appropriate sex education to be provided to children and young people to enable them to make wiser decisions. It would also make it easier to provide sexual health services to people of this age without the fear of conniving in illegal activity.

Note that it is not proposed here that there should be any changes in the position of those adults who abuse their positions of trust to have sex with people younger than themselves. Further, it is firmly accepted there should be a minimum age limit for sexual consent, a view that has been contested. It is important that it remains recognised that children under the age of 14 years have neither the cognitive nor the emotional maturity to make decisions about their own sexual behaviour.

It will not have escaped the notice of the attentive reader that the principles and evidence adduced here are also relevant to a number of other situations in which the current legal position of minors is highly questionable. For example, at the present time, the age of criminal responsibility in England and Wales is 10 years, while in Scotland it is currently 8 years, with 12 years as the age of criminal prosecution. The age of criminal responsibility should surely be raised to 14 years. The voting age in England and Wales is currently 18 years, while in Scotland it is 16 years. The voting age should surely be reduced to 16 years in England and Wales, with an expectation of a further reduction in due course.

Philip Graham is Emeritus Professor of Child Psychiatry at the Institute of Child Health, University College London, UK.

Copyright Notice

Articles published from BJPsych Bulletin are open-access, published under the terms of creative commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

The Authors own the copyrights to the individual articles.

Previous Next

© Copyright . Revision 2438ac4a.

Built with Sphinx using a theme provided by Read the Docs.